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"No such thing as the right exchange rate"

 from www.brugesgroup.com


Bernard Connolly explains why Tony Blair should retain a floating currency
and resist the temptation to raise taxes.

      On Wednesday September 16, 1992, with the economy on its knees, the
then-president of the CBI delivered himself of the remarkable judgment that
"we need 15 per cent base rates like we need a hole in the head. But if it
is a choice between that and devaluation then I suppose it will have to be."
Fortunately for his members, there was another way out - floating the
currency.

Five years ago, CBI advice was simply stupid and self-destructive. Today,
the organisation's advice is self-serving but destructive for the rest of
us. For the CBI, like the rest of the latterday Bourbons who clamoured for
ERM entry, now favours tax increases as the way to "deal with" an exuberant
economy and rapidly falling unemployment.

Even accepting that the economy needs to be reined back to keep inflation
low (a judgment that the most supply-side-minded economists contest), why on
earth should economic success be rewarded with tax increases?

Taxes are an economic evil, necessary to provide genuine public goods and to
provide for the genuinely poor - they should never be used to keep the
private sector on a leash. The alternative prescription involves higher
interest rates and a climbing pound, the hallmarks of a successful
capitalist economy in a period of strong growth. Sadly, however,
mercantilism still reigns in many dark corners of the British economic
nomenclatura. And while the economy may be delivering the goods
metaphorically, it is not doing so literally - services, not manufacturing,
are booming.

To a certain cast of mind, this is doubly distressing. First, services are
often regarded as the province of the true entrepreneur: the man or woman
who takes risks to make profits, rather than of those "captains of industry"
(or their supposed representatives) who too often seek an assured return - a
rent - through cosying up to the Government. Second, the service sector is
more "disorderly", almost anarchic. Its success depends much on the mood of
the private sector, not on the will of the authorities. That is not pleasing
to the great and good who feel that when they push a button or pull a lever
the economy ought to respond obediently and predictably to their command.

In short, the British economy is showing all the characteristics of a truly
capitalist system. That is the result of Thatcherism, and in no small
measure of the abolition of capital controls in 1979. That was a decision
that transferred power from the State to the private sector - far more
momentous than Gordon Brown's transferring power over interest rates from
one part of the State to another.

Once capital could flow freely, the expected rate of return on capital was
restored to its rightful place as the keystone of the economy - the variable
that runs everything else. If a truly capitalist economy is to survive and
prosper, its government must put in place structural policies (not least low
taxes) that generate bullish private sector expectations of the rate of
return.

But, as Knut Wicksell, the great Swedish economist, pointed out a century
ago, if the anticipated rate of return goes up, the real rate of interest
must also go up. If it does not, there will be a cumulative process of
rising asset prices (equities and property in particular), overinvestment
and unwise lending by banks until an overextended boom goes bust.

In our world of integrated capital markets, the real rate of interest in a
successful economy can rise above the world rate only if that economy's real
exchange rate is expected to depreciate. For that to happen, the real
exchange rate must first rise above its notional long-run equilibrium level.

In other words, losing "competitiveness" in the upswing is absolutely
essential in a capitalist economy such as Britain's. Some manufacturers will
have their rents reduced in the process; that is capitalism's "gale of
creative destruction", the genius of a system that in 200 years transformed,
hugely for the better, the everyday life of ordinary people after centuries
in which aristocracy - whether titled or not - corporatism and mercantilism
(a good description of the governing principles to which Macmillan, Heath,
Wilson and Callaghan disastrously returned) preserved the privileges of the
few at the expense of misery for the many.

Capitalism, benign though it is, is a cyclical system. Jumps in "animal
spirits" produce jumps in spending on houses, consumer durables and business
investment. But the frenetic rate of spending will not (unless spurred on by
overlax monetary policies) last for ever. When it falls away, interest rates
must fall with it, and so must the currency. "Competitiveness" must improve
again. New Labour is right to want to avoid a permanently high level of
sterling; but even more right to eschew ERM re-entry. In a dynamic
capitalist economy, there is simply no such thing as the "right" exchange
rate for more than an instant.

If Tony Blair means what he says about embracing capitalism, he must at the
same time renounce corporatism. If he wants to fulfil his aim of improving
the quality of public goods and of provision for the poor, he must keep
taxes as low as possible. If he wants to improve the private opportunities
available to the many he has to accept the "permanent revolution"
stigmatised by that most patrician of corporatists, Douglas Hurd. And all
that means that he - and the CBI - will have to learn to live with a
yo-yoing pound.

Bernard Connolly

Bernard Connolly is Managing Director, International Economics, at AIG
International.



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